Out with the Old
In with the New
and all.
Based on all the excitment that was buzzing around here in November, I'm a bit surprised that I'm the one to point to Washington DC on this day.
The visuals tell alot of the story. The people. The momuments. The man. The family. The world.
What will it bring and how long can it last?
That's up to us.
For now, sit back or stand up, and embrace this moment.
10 comments:
I'm more focused on the line just before the one you site, because it sets the context:
"On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics."
(see for yourselves http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/us/politics/20text-obama.html)
The context is important because it helps us to understand more precisely which of our ways Mr. O considers to be "childlike". I certainly hope that he does not consider holding Bush/Cheney accountable for their miscalculations as to the rule of law to be "recrimination", or "petty grievances".
If President Obama wants to "toughen up" Americans and help us to come of age, he could do no better than using investigation and prosecution of the Bush Junta as a national civics lesson; a teachable moment. Not only might we learn to look behind the veil, we might take the opportunity to design and enact a set of laws that would not be as easily subverted by the next Neo-Con inspired Administration.
Had we done such in the wake of the Iran/Contra scandal we would likely not have to deal with the likes of Dick Cheney.
The references to "God" don't bother me, Obama is a believer and so are most of my fellow Americans. Besides bible stories are great parables and carry all kind of embedded meanings. He mentioned "non-believers" in a positive way, and quoted the renowned atheist and antagonizer of conservatives: Tom Paine, so it was more than one might expect from such a bible-thumper. Paine quote: "Let it be told to the future world that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it."
I feel much better about Barack representing my nation than I ever did about George doing so. But, perhaps, I am easily impressed.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse on the floor of the US Senate:
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Madam President, I rise as we celebrate a new President, a new administration, a new mode of governing, and a new future for America.
Even in the gloom of our present predicaments, Americans' hearts are strong and confident because we see a brighter future ahead. President Obama looks to that future. Given the depth and severity of those present predicaments, we need all his energy to look forward to lead us to that brighter day, forward to what Winston Churchill in Britain's dark days called ``broad and sunlit uplands.'' But as we steer toward this broad and sunlit future, what about the past?
As the President looks forward and charts a new course, must someone not also look back to take an accounting of where we are, what was done, and what must now be repaired? Our new President has said, ``America needs to look forward.'' I agree. Our new Attorney General-designate has said: We should not criminalize policy differences. I agree, and I hope we can all agree that summoning young sacrificial lambs to prosecute, as we did after Abu Ghraib, would be reprehensible.
But consider the pervasive, deliberate, and systematic damage the Bush administration did to America, to her finest traditions and institutions, to her reputation, and integrity. I evaluate that damage in history's light. Although I am no historian, here is what I believe: The story of humankind on this Earth has been a long and halting march from the darkness of barbarism and the principle that to the victor go the spoils, to the light of organized civilization and freedom.
During that long and halting march, this light of progress has burned, sometimes brightly and sometimes softly, in different places at different times around the world.
The light shone in Athens, when that first Senate made democracy a living experiment, and again in the softer but broader glow of the Roman Empire and Senate. That light burned brightly, incandescently, in Jerusalem, when Jesus of Nazareth cast his lot with the weak and the powerless.
The light burned in Damascus, Baghdad, Cairo, and Cordoba, when the Arab world kept science, mathematics, art, and logic alive, as Europe descended into Dark Ages of plague and violence.
The light flashed from the fields of Runnymede when English nobles forced King John to sign the Magna Carta, and it glowed steadily from that island kingdom as England developed Parliament and the common law and was the first to stand against slavery.
It rekindled in Europe at the time of the Reformation, with a bright light flashing in 1517 when Martin Luther nailed his edicts to the Wittenberg Cathedral doors, and faced with excommunication stated: ``Here I stand. I can do no other.''
Over the years, across the globe, that light, and the darkness of tyranny and cruelty, have ebbed and flowed. But for the duration of our Republic, even though our Republic is admittedly imperfect, that light has shown more brightly and more steadily in this Republic than in any place on Earth as we adopted the Constitution, the greatest achievement yet in human freedom; as boys and men bled out of shattered bodies into sodden fields at Antietam and Chickamauga, Shiloh, and Gettysburg to expiate the sin of slavery; as we rebuilt shattered enemies, now friends, overseas and came home after winning world wars; and as we threw off bit by bit ancient shackles of race and gender to make this a more perfect Union for all of us.
What has made this bright and steady glow possible is not that we are better people, I believe, but that our system of government is government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Why else does our President take his oath to defend the Constitution of the United States of America? Our unique form of self-government is a blessing, and we hold it in trust, not just for us but for our children and grandchildren down through history; not just for us but as an example out through the world.
That is why our Statue of Liberty raises a lamp to other nations still engloomed in tyranny. That is why we stand as a beacon in this world, beckoning to all who seek a kinder, freer, brighter future.
We hold this unique gift in trust for the future and for the world. Each generation assumes responsibility for this Republic and its Government, and each generation takes on a special obligation when they do. Our new President closed his inaugural address by setting forth the challenge by which future generations will test us: Whether ``with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.''
There are no guarantees that we will. This is a continuing experiment we are embarked upon and a lot is at stake. Indeed, the most precious thing of man's creation on the face of this Earth is at stake. That is what I believe.
So from that perspective, what about the past? No one can deny that in the last 8 years America's bright light has dimmed and flickered, darkening our country and darkening the world. The price of that is incalculable. There are nearly 7 billion human souls in this world. Every morning, the Sun rises anew over their villages and hamlets and barrios, and every day they can choose where to invest their hopes, their confidence, and their dreams.
I submit that when America's light shines brightly, when honesty, freedom, justice, and compassion glow from our institutions, it attracts those hopes, those dreams, and the force of those 7 billion hopes and dreams, the confidence of those 7 billion souls and our lively experiment is, I believe, the strongest power in our national arsenal, stronger than atom bombs. We risk it at our peril.
Of course, when our own faith is diminished at home, this vital light only dims further, again, at incalculable cost. So when an administration rigs the intelligence process and produces false evidence to send our country to war; when an administration descends to interrogation techniques of the Inquisition of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge, descends to techniques that we have prosecuted as crimes in military tribunals and Federal trials; when institutions as noble as the Department of Justice and as vital as the Environmental Protection Agency are systematically and deliberately twisted from their missions by odious means of institutional sabotage;
when the integrity of our markets and the fiscal security of our budget are open wide to the frenzied greed of corporations, speculators, and contractors; when the integrity of public officials, the warnings of science, the honesty of government procedures, and the careful historic balance of our separated powers of government are all seen as obstacles to be overcome and not attributes to be celebrated; when taxpayers are cheated and the forces of government ride to the rescue of the cheaters and punish the whistleblowers; when a government turns the guns of official secrecy against its own people to mislead, confuse, and propagandize them; when government ceases to even try to understand the complex topography of the difficult problems it is our very purpose and duty to solve and instead cares only for those points where it intersects with party ideology so that the purpose of government becomes no longer to solve problems but only to work them for political advantage; in short, when you have pervasive infiltration into all the halls of government--judicial, legislative and executive--of the most ignoble forms of influence; when you see systematic dismantling of historic processes and traditions of government that are the safeguards of our democracy; and when you have a bodyguard of lies, jargon, and propaganda emitted to fool and beguile the American people, well, something very serious in the history of our Republic has gone wrong, something that dims the light of progress for all humanity.
As we look forward, as we begin the task of rebuilding this Nation, we have an abiding duty to determine how great the damage is. I say this in no spirit of vindictiveness or revenge. I say it because the thing that was sullied is so precious. I say it because the past bears upon the future. If people have been planted in government in violation of our civil service laws to serve their party and their ideology instead of serving the public, the past will bear upon the future. If procedures and institutions of government have been corrupted and are not put right, that past will assuredly bear on the future.
In an ongoing enterprise such as government, the door cannot be so conveniently closed on the closets of the past. The past always bears on the future. Moreover, a democracy is not just a static institution. It is a living education, an ongoing education in freedom of a people.
As Harry Truman said, addressing a joint session of Congress back in 1947:
One of the chief virtues of democracy is that its defects are always visible, and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected.
Entirely apart from tentacles of the past that may reach into the future are the lessons we as a people have to learn from this past carnival of folly, greed, lies, and sabotage, so that it can, under democratic processes, be pointed out and corrected. If we blind ourselves to this history, if we pull an invisibility cloak over it, we will deny ourselves its lessons. Those lessons came at too painful a cost to ignore. Those lessons merit discovery, disclosure, and discussion. Indeed, disclosure and discussion is the difference between a valuable lesson for the bright upward forces of our democracy and a blueprint for darker forces to return and do it all over again.
A little bright, healthy sunshine and fresh air so that an educated population knows what was done and how can show where the tunnels were bored, when the truth was subordinated, what institutions were subverted, how our democracy was compromised; so this grim history is not condemned to repeat itself; so a knowing public, in the clarity of day, can say: Never, never, never again; so we can keep that light, that light that is at once America's greatest gift and greatest strength brightly shining. To do this, I submit, we must look back.
I yield the floor.
I apologize for the religious references in Sen. Whitehouse's speech, but I think he makes a great argument for holding the Bush/Cheney regime accountable.
I wish I could share your faith in the Democratic Party and Eric Holder. Many of the Dems in the Congress have dirty hands because they winked and nodded, or otherwise shirked their constitutional duties, while the Neo-Con's jack-booted buddies beat up a few "dead-enders" in the back room. Or, maybe they were just too busy raising money for the re-election campaign to take notice of the NSA filtering through ALL of our communications. But, I have a hard time trusting a lawyer that worked for both Marc Rich and United Fruit (AKA Chiquita).
Maybe we should make this more interesting and make a wager? How much of your hard-earned cash are you willing to put on Mr. Holder and the rest of the Democrats actually indicting anyone from the previous administration with regard to these alleged crimes?
I'll give you the entire 4 years, even 8 if you want to assume re-election.
Here's hoping that your faith is not misplaced.
I will be very surprised should anything beyond a wrist slap be administered. I can see a kind of "truth and reconciliation" commission as the compromise outcome. This will allow the scope to be narrowed so that only "torture" issues during the Bush/Cheney regime will be considered, thus reinforcing the idea that their administration invented the use of "harsh" methods and/or rendition to compliant foreign governments.
Such commissions generally provide certain kinds of immunities so that participants are encouraged to tell the unvarnished truth. These immunities were the problem with the Iran/Contra hearings and allowed the likes of Oliver North to openly laugh in the face of those "investigating" his crimes.
Don't get me wrong. If the choice is a commission versus doing nothing, I'll take the commission.
I'd rather see Bush and Company treated like suspected drug dealers. I mean, confiscate all of their property and money UP FRONT, then make them prove that such was not acquired by elicit means BEFORE they even get indicted. And start at the bottom, and try to get the rats to turn on their former bosses. (Yoo would turn in a minute, I suspect because all of his darkest fantasies would start playing in his head while he waited for the interrogator to enter the room.) But, I realize that such is unlikely to happen, so call that my starting position.
So much for your hero Holder:
According the the linked article he was able to secure support for his appointment as AG by assuring Republicans like Kit Bond that he would not prosecute members of the Bush Administration for crimes related to the torture issue.
http://washingtontimes.com/news/2009/jan/28/exclusive-holder-assures-gop-torture-prosecution/
Letting GWB sit quietly in his multi-million dollar home while working to "refill the coffers" is not my idea of house arrest. I supect he has plenty of wealthy supporters who would just love to pay him a few hundred grand to give a speech and provide a photo-op. He's not that toxic and besides, its not his fault that the ecomony failed and ruined his victory party in Iraq.
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